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Position on power-sharing agreement
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
October 21, 2008

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Noting, that the main political parties, represented in Zimbabwe's parliament penned and signed a power sharing agreement paving the way for the institution of an inclusive government on the 15th of September 2008.

Reasserting long held Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition (The Coalition) believes that the multifaceted crisis in Zimbabwe has its roots in the governance and illegitimacy crisis which has been characteristic of Zimbabwe's government since the stolen presidential elections of 2002.

Concerned, that the agreement was flawed as it was:

• secretive,
• not inclusive of all Zimbabweans and civil society thus, reducing the crisis in Zimbabwe to a crisis between ZANU PF and the MDC,
• mediated by a mediator who was considered to be partial to ZANU P.F

The flawed process therefore compromise the content.

Keeping in mind, that Zimbabwe has had several experiences with coalition governments whose objectives, like now, was national unity. Memories of the Muzorewa/Smith Zimbabwe Rhodesia coalition of 1978, the compromise government of 1980 and the ZANU PF/PF ZAPU Unity Accord Government of 1987, present the most powerful examples.

Weary, of continued experiments with Governments of National Unity which Zimbabweans recognise have failed to build durable peace. It is therefore disappointing to note that the African Union continues to promote the interests of political elites through GNU models. Coalition governments have not delivered enduring peace, truth telling and justice on the ground.

Mindful, of the fact that in excess of 150 people lost their lives in the run up to the 27 June 2008 run off election, leaving at least 30,000 people displaced, and thousands of homes destroyed.

The Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition thus states the following on the Power sharing Agreement, premised on the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition Yellow Paper, and the Peoples Charter adopted on the 9th of February 2008:

1. That, the deal outlines a complex power-sharing arrangement that sees President Robert Mugabe extend his hold on the presidency after 28 years in power, in spite of the popular will of the people as seen from the results of the March 29 2008 election. The Prime Minister envisaged in the deal, is neither head of state or government, making the MDC junior partners in a ZANU PF government.
2. That an Inclusive government is an inadequate mechanism through which to resolve the national crisis, and is a false premise for democratisation, which, because of the way that it comes into existence only serves to put conflict on pause, with the very real possibility of being played or replayed when the deal becomes sour. It serves as an institutionalisation of conflict, possibly presenting challenges for a government that is supposed to operate and make decisions on the basis of consensus.
3. That there is a need to re-envision the political prospects of Zimbabwe and restore the ethos of a democratically elected authority in Zimbabwe in the shortest possible time. In the context of the agreement this is envisaged to be within two years or at the end of the constitutional reform process.
4. That there is a need for the political parties to exit their secret mode and be accountable to the people of Zimbabwe. To that end, documents cited in the agreement that are not in the public domain, like the SADC resolution on the economy, and the Kariba document, need to be exposed to public scrutiny, discussion and debate.
5. That, outside passing references to national healing, the agreement falls short in addressing issues of transitional justice, by suggesting clear mechanisms that can be the subject of public debate and input.

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