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Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
Zim
Look East policy threatened by power-sharing pact - analysts - Part
3 of 5
Darren
Taylor, VOA News
September 30, 2008
View article
on the VOA website
Read other articles
in this series: Part
1, Part
2 , Part
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5
An international
human rights organization based in the United States is warning
that relations between Zimbabwe and China are in the future likely
to be increasingly strained. The Enough Project - an alliance
of scores of advocacy organizations from all over the world -
says Zimbabwe's recent power-sharing agreement
could result in a realignment of Beijing's relationship with
Harare. China has in recent years given President Robert Mugabe's
ZANU-PF government significant political and economic support. Humanitarian
groups say this has exacerbated Zimbabweans' suffering.
China has shielded the
Mugabe administration from several international punitive actions,
such as an expansion of targeted sanctions against the president
and certain members of his ruling ZANU-PF party, at the United Nations
Security Council in July. Beijing vetoed a raft of new measures
against the Zimbabwean rulers, arguing that it didn't want
to meddle in the affairs of a sovereign country.
Despite the recent power-sharing
agreement, "there really has yet to be an international cost,
a measure of accountability, for the (Mugabe) regime," says
Colin Thomas-Jensen, the Enough Project's Africa Advocacy
Manager.
"There are bilateral
sanctions that the European Union and the United States have against
Zimbabwe, but the type of targeted sanctions that really bite are
those passed by the UN Security Council and implemented by every
member state. Because China's been such a staunch defender
of the regime, we've yet to see that level of international
pressure."
Chinese
arms and money keep ZANU-PF going
Activists argue that
Chinese support has been a significant contributor towards keeping
Mr. Mugabe in power. Beijing has poured investment into Zimbabwe,
and has also through the years supplied arms and ammunition to the
ZANU-PF government.
In April, shortly
after opposition Movement for Democratic Change - MDC -
leader Morgan Tsvangirai received more votes than president Mugabe
in the first round of Zimbabwean elections, Beijing shipped almost
80 tons of rockets, mortars and other weapons to Zimbabwe. But,
after the deal sparked international outrage and workers in South
Africa refused
to unload the cargo, China recalled the shipment. Speculation continues,
though, that the consignment did eventually reach Harare, although
China and Zimbabwe deny this.
Human rights activists
say China has also sold riot control equipment, small arms and air
force trainer jets worth $200 million to Mr. Mugabe's government.
In addition to the weaponry, Beijing has also given several gifts
to president Mugabe and his allies. The tiles that decorate the
president's palatial Harare home were a "goodwill donation"
from China, for example.
Thomas-Jensen says Beijing's
support for the Mugabe administration thus far has "made a
very bad situation much, much worse. An election's been stolen,
an economy's been driven into the ground by president Mugabe
and those around him, the security forces as well as paramilitaries
(using Chinese-manufactured) weapons have committed widespread human
rights abuses against the Zimbabwean people. It's a humanitarian
disaster, it's a regional catastrophe."
The Chinese government
has repeatedly denied that it has played any role in harming the
people of Zimbabwe, saying that it has pursued "legitimate
business interests" in the country, and that Zimbabwe's
internal political and human rights concerns should be solved by
Zimbabweans themselves.
Thomas-Jensen says Beijing's
stance "doesn't hold any water."
"The fact that
China throughout this (political and economic chaos in Zimbabwe)
simply stood by and said, 'this is an internal matter,'
I think sends a pretty clear message to Zimbabweans that the Chinese
really don't care about Zimbabwean's human rights concerns,
about their desire for democracy and about the overwhelming expression
that it's time for Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF to go."
The activist says the
international community has since the days of apartheid South Africa
been awakened to the fact that doing business with countries that
commit abuses against their people emboldens and strengthens such
repressive regimes - "oiling the wheels of war," in
effect - and cannot be excused as "legitimate" business.
This, he says, is seen in a number of laws passed by certain states
in the US that forbid American companies from doing business with
Sudan, which stands accused of perpetrating genocide in Darfur.
Activists are also at
the moment keeping a close watch on an unfolding case in a New York
federal courtroom, where various groups representing South African
victims of human rights atrocities have filed a lawsuit against
24 international banks and corporations that conducted business
in apartheid-era South Africa. The plaintiffs say the firms'
business dealings in the country advanced the apartheid system,
and that this therefore makes these enterprises complicit in the
human rights abuses of the regime.
China
driven by quest for resources
Thomas-Jensen says China's
actions regarding Zimbabwe are "undoubtedly" driven
by its desire for African resources, and that the ZANU-PF rulers
grant Beijing certain privileges in exchange for its political and
economic support.
"China's
received a number of mining concessions (from Zimbabwe), and it's
really that that's been driving the Chinese interest in Zimbabwe,"
he says.
Zimbabwean businessman
and MDC economics official, Eddie Cross, says some within the country's
mining industry are concerned that the Mugabe administration is
transferring a "range of mineral rights" to Chinese
companies, or to firms run by the president's political supporters
who in turn also have close ties to Chinese state-owned enterprises.
A spokesman for the ZANU-PF
government, George Charamba, says the Chinese are "doing a
lot of good for the people of Zimbabwe, with jobs and all of that"
and that Harare wouldn't have forged such close ties with
Beijing "if it wasn't in the best interests of all our
people."
Cross says the government
has clearly made it as easy as possible for the Chinese to do business
in Zimbabwe. It has, for example, exempted Chinese imports from
customs duties, and president Mugabe has awarded the contracts to
supply all public buses and provide generators to Zimbabwe's
power company, to Chinese companies.
According to Cross, Zimbabwe
has paid Beijing "mostly in kind" for this, especially
with tobacco and mineral rights, as foreign exchange is in short
supply in Zimbabwe and the country's own currency is almost
worthless.
Also, in 2005, Cross
says the ZANU-PF government began to lease land seized from white
farmers to "Chinese interests on a contract farming basis."
But Thomas-Jensen comments,
"The Chinese haven't really received a return on their
investments that they expected. Nor have the Zimbabweans seen the
Chinese investment do anything to stanch the bleeding of what's
the worst economy in the world."
He says the Chinese have
invested heavily in "infrastructure projects" in Zimbabwe.
"They money's
been laid out but it's not yet been (spent), and I think that's
partly - if not completely - due to the imploding (Zimbabwean)
economy. Even for China, this is a very risky business environment
that they're working in."
Yet Beijing has indicated
nothing but patience with regard to Zimbabwe, saying it's
not concerned about the minimal returns on its investments in Zimbabwe
so far, as it's business plan for the country is long-term.
Tsvangirai
Looks West, not East
Mr. Mugabe has called
his pro-China policy 'Look East' and he says it's
bearing fruit, with increasing numbers of Chinese tourists visiting
Zimbabwe, for example.
As opposition to president
Mugabe has grown since he began confiscating white-owned farms in
2000, he has repeatedly said that he doesn't need Western
financial and political support, and is far better served by Beijing,
whose aid comes with no strings attached.
But analysts say Tsvangirai
- who in terms of the power-sharing agreement is Zimbabwe's
new prime minister - is likely to significantly alter Harare's
relationship with the giant of the Far East . . . . If he and ministers
allied to him are indeed eventually given real powers to shape government
policy.
"Rather than a
'Look East' policy, Tsvangirai has clearly in recent
years cultivated a 'Look West' policy. For better or
worse, he's seen as very closely allied with Britain and America,"
says Professor Sean Jacobs, a South African expert on southern African
politics at the University of Michigan in the U.S.
China in turn says it
wants to see a positive outcome in Zimbabwe, and is willing to cooperate
with the authorities there whoever they are, as long as it's
for the mutual benefit of both China's and Zimbabwe's
people.
Thomas-Jensen says he
doubts Tsvangirai will simply "let bygones be bygones"
with regard to China's recent role in his homeland.
"If Morgan Tsvangirai
did have a role in which he could exert some influence on the Zimbabwe
government's policies, I really think we would see a reexamination
within the Zimbabwean government of the relationship with China.
Mr. Tsvangirai and MDC supporters are not going to easily and quickly
forget the role that China's played in helping to prop up
this ZANU-PF government."
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