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Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
Let
Parliament be reconvened - Tsvangirai
Zimbabwe
Metro
August 20, 2008
http://www.zimbabwemetro.com/politics/let-parliament-be-reconvened-tsvangirai/
INTERVIEW: A
weekend Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in
South Africa failed to broker a deal to end the political and economic
crisis in Zimbabwe despite spirited efforts by regional leaders
to get the negotiating parties in Zimbabwe to close ranks. Cape
Argus's Basildon Peta caught up with two of the key negotiating
parties soon after the summit ended.
Morgan Tsvangirai,
the leader of the larger formation of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), who has refused to sign a deal currently
on the table, explains in detail why a deadlock remains.
QUESTION:
There were a lot of expectations that a deal would be signed by
the end of the SADC summit on Sunday. That did not happen and it
seems we are back to square one. Why?
ANSWER: Well,
we have not made much progress because the expectation was that
President Mbeki would use the collective leadership wisdom of SADC
to bring the parties to some form of an agreement. Now it would
appear that on the other outstanding issues, we are still as far
apart as at the beginning. The only fortunate thing is that both
parties realise that they cannot walk away from the negotiations.
Q: What
are these issues that still hold this dialogue back?
A: The real
differences arise out of the roles and powers of the two critical
positions in this proposed government, which is the powers of the
president and powers of the prime minister, especially in terms
of authority, in terms of who is responsible for what.
Q: There
is a view that you are overplaying your hand in these negotiations
since you did not win an absolute majority in Parliament on March
29 to justify claiming complete executive power. Only one seat separates
you from ZANU PF minus the 10 seats that Arthur Mutambara's
faction holds?
A: We are not
claiming complete executive power. We are talking about shared executive
power. Anyone who claims that we are overplaying our hand doesn't
understand the mandate given to us by the people on 29 March. The
thing that is fundamental is that the people of Zimbabwe spoke.
Fifty-seven percent of the people who voted said they no longer
had any confidence in Mugabe. If you then consider the events of
June 27 (the run off election) which was not accepted by anyone,
then you can ask where Mugabe derives his legitimacy. It's
ZANU PF which is therefore overplaying its hand. He (Mugabe) can
only get legitimacy by saying that he is the caretaker president
until another election is held. That's why there is need for
a transition. That's why Mugabe cannot continue to enjoy the
same powers he had before.
Q: We
understand that SADC tabled a last minute compromise deal that you
and Mugabe rejected. Can you let us in on that?
A: No SADC proposal
was given to us. All we were told is that we have to be part of
the process in order to influence the process without specifically
defining how that process is going to work in real terms. And that
is the difficulty we have got.
Q: Who
is the stumbling block in this whole process?
A: From what
we see and when you analyse the powers of the president and the
prime minister, and you see that there is no shared responsibility
and authority, you then have to say it's ZANU PF who is the
stumbling block.
Q: But
ZANU PF says you are the stumbling block?
A: Let them
demonstrate what powers they have ceded to the prime minister or
to the other party. Identify those areas and you will easily see
who is the stumbling block.
Q: The
deal on the table that you refused to sign stipulates that executive
power will reside in the president, prime minister and cabinet.
It's an all-encompassing arrangement . . . which ZANU PF says
will foster collective responsibility rather than try to make a
distinction between president and PM?
A: There is
no such thing as collective executive authority. Somebody is responsible.
Why are they afraid of pinpointing that you (Mugabe) is responsible
as head of state for these functions and you (Tsvangirai) is responsible
for government with these functions. Why are they afraid to do that?
That demarcation of responsibility is very important for accountability
purposes, for authority purposes. You cannot expect the MDC to be
tasked with turning around the mess in Zimbabwe without being given
authority. Does that make sense?
Q:
Your stance is that the prime minister should chair Cabinet, appoint
Cabinet ministers, and generally be in charge of running Cabinet.
Do you foresee yourself compromising and negotiating that position?
A: That is our
fundamental position. It's very very fundamental and non-negotiable.
It would be unprecedented to have a president with a ceremonial
prime minister . . . We have said to them we don't want to
have a ceremonial president. But we also don't want to have
a ceremonial prime minister?
Q: If
ZANU PF thinks that they have given much power to the position of
prime minister, why don't you tell them to have that position
and your party assumes the presidency?
A: We told SADC
that. We said let's swap roles. If they don't want to
concede the facts, we said the other solution is for them to take
the prime minister's role and we take the president's.
Q: And
what did SADC say?
A: I don't
think they said anything on it.
Q: And
what about Mugabe?
A: I don't
know what his response is to that?
Q: There
is also a view that progress is stalled because the style of President
Mbeki's mediation, deemed by some to be pro-Mugabe, is part
of the problem?
A: I am in the
negotiations as one of the parties and it would be improper to start
besmirching the mediation effort.
Q: Another
view is that you haven't adequately reached out to Arthur
Mutambara's faction of the MDC which is now allegedly siding
with ZANU PF in the talks to your disadvantage?
A: It's
in the public domain that we announced to the whole world that we
have a coalition agreement. So what kind of reaching out is needed,
other than to observe the conditions of that coalition agreement.
If the Mutambara group have decided to align with ZANU PF, that's
their choice. But they must also know that in terms of that coalition
agreement, there is a breach.
Q: Are
you speaking as one with Mutambara in the negotiations. At his Press
conference last week, he said you ought to put Zimbabwe first, implying
that he disagrees with your positions?
A: I thought
we were all playing in the same court . . . But it would appear
that that is not the case. They (the Mutambara faction) have other
views. And I think we need to revisit the coalition agreement and
ask them whether we are still together insofar as these negotiations
are concerned.
Q: SADC
has said Parliament can now be reconvened. What effect will this
have on the negotiations in view of the fact that the MOU had said
convening of Parliament and appointment of Cabinet ought to be delayed
until the negotiations are completed?
A: It will have
no effect. As far as we are concerned we don't see anything
wrong with that. Let Parliament be reconvened.
Q: What
about Cabinet?
A: Parliament
is the expression of the will of the people. Cabinet is another
thing. Convening Parliament does not necessarily mean that a Cabinet
should be appointed. If Parliament is being reconvened to deal with
this dispute, then let it deal with the dispute. But that does not
mean Mugabe unilaterally goes to form a government and have Cabinet
ministers. If that is the intention, then it will be a breach of
the MOU.
Q: So
where do things stand now. When are these negotiations resuming
and where and for how long?
A: I am not
the mediator. That is the responsibility of President Mbeki, the
mediator, to manage. We have not heard anything from him as yet.
Q: What
happens if this deadlock remains. It looks like Mugabe is not going
to budge and you will not budge?
A: Leadership
is not just about compromise, it's also about principle and
about the people. It's not about an elite pact or position
sharing. It's about people's expectations. The people's
expectations are clear. They want a democratic government to take
them out of this crisis caused by mismanagement. Achieving such
a government will remain our goal.
Q:
ZANU PF keeps on alleging that a deal with you remains difficult
because you are reporting and taking instructions from Britain and
the United States who have said they will not fund any government
in which Mugabe remains powerful?
A: Well I am
sure that you know the ZANU PF rhetoric, and line and lies. They
always say that the MDC does not think for itself. We are even being
accused that the position papers we are presenting are being written
by the British and the Americans. It's very unfortunate. They
continue with this paranoia of a conspiracy. But if they were honest,
they would go out and try to find out what are the people's
expectations. If they can build confidence in us, we will build
confidence in them. That's the only way to move forward.
Q:
What's next if nothing is resolved in Mbeki's mediation.
A: This is a
conflict of emotions and not principals. The sooner ZANU PF realises
that they have no monopoly in determining the future of the country
and that they have to accommodate MDC as partner and not as an enemy,
the better.
Q: What
is your Plan B if the dialogue fails?
A: Ah! We can't
start discussing plan Bs, plan Cs, plan Ds, and plan Es . . .
Q: One
of the army commanders is said to have told a meeting of the Joint
Operations Command (JOC) that the only way to get the MDC to agree
to a deal is to kill you. Are you afraid?
A: Well they
have all the guns, and I can't prevent them from planning
to eliminate me. But if they succeed, they would have my blood on
their hands
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