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This article participates on the following special index pages:
Talks, dialogue, negotiations and GNU - Post June 2008 "elections" - Index of articles
A
false dawn for Zimbabwe
South Africa Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR)
August 01, 2008
http://www.sairr.org.za/sairr-today/sairr-today-a-false-dawn-for-zimbabwe-1st-august-2008.html
There has been much speculation
in the media that the Zimbabwe negotiations taking place between
the MDC and ZANU-PF in Pretoria herald a new dawn for that country.
But the talks, and their success or failure, are falsely heralded
as breakthrough in Zimbabwe's crisis as the problems and challenges
Zimbabwe face are now as much about economics and social conditions
as they once were about politics. Improving those conditions may
take decades regardless of who runs the country.
There is in odd sense
in the media reporting surrounding the talks that they may somehow
relieve the crisis in Zimbabwe. Reading some of the reporting the
implication is made that were the talks to succeed then Zimbabwe
could immediately look forward to better and more prosperous times.
While a change of government will relieve the worst excesses of
the current Mugabe government it is unlikely that social and economic
conditions will show a rapid turnaround. A view is also perpetrated
that inflows of foreign aid and investment would be sufficient to
undo much of the damage done to Zimbabwe's economy. But these
rosy analyses are misleading in that they are swift to overlook
the major structural damage done to Zimbabwe's economy.
A priority faced by any
future Zimbabwe government will be recapitalising that country's
infrastructure and its economy. But Zimbabwe holds little strategic
economic importance other than its mineral assets - which
too an extent are already capitalised and exploited. It is doubtful
whether a future government will be able to attract the levels of
private capital inflows necessary to recapitalise. The new government
will therefore find itself dependent on Western-backed international
finance and monetary institutions. But the track record of these
groups in boosting African development has been limited.
A second priority will
be recapitalising Zimbabwe's human resources. An outflow of
3 million young and often skilled Zimbabweans to other countries
including the UK, South Africa, and Botswana has left the economy
largely unskilled. Many of these emigrants will not return home
unless they are assured of the standard of living and economic opportunities
they enjoy in foreign countries. This will mean that the most skilled
will be the least likely to return. This will serve as a further
disincentive to capital inflows in Zimbabwe.
A third priority will
be re-establishing sound economic fundamentals in Zimbabwe. This
will include indicators like the exchange rate and inflation which
have driven Zimbabwe to become a barter economy. With inflation
and exchange rates in the millions and billions this is a task that
will not be easily achieved without private capital inflows and
skilled human resources.
These three priorities
do not even take into account reforming the now corrupt and partisan
judiciary, police, army, intelligence services, and various militias.
Nor do they take into account the tasks of rebuilding the health
and education sectors and various other government departments.
The agricultural sector, once the mainstay of the economy, has become
a political hot potato and it is unclear whether the MDC will have
the courage to return commercial farms to their rightful owners
which is essential if food production is to increase. Nor is it
certain that those commercial farmers will accept the risks associated
with their profession in Zimbabwe.
Without capital inflows
and human resources Zimbabwe will probably not recover fully for
decades to come. Even with these inflows Zimbabwe may become a grossly
unequal society with a small elite presiding over a largely poor
and rural population. As was partly the case in South Africa the
joy accompanying any change of government will evaporate as the
economic challenges faced by that government come into relief. If
that government turns out be corrupt, or ineffective, or driven
by ideology - as is true of the ANC government in South Africa -
then the recovery period will be further prolonged.
It is therefore quite
unlikely that any recovery will be managed successfully by any incumbent
Zimbabwe government with resources and skills available domestically
in that country. A future Zimbabwe will therefore be largely dependent
on Western and Chinese interests. In purportedly fighting for his
country's independence all that Robert Mugabe has achieved
is to mortgage his legacy to highest foreign bidder. Newspaper reporting
is, to the contrary, naïve and shows a serious failure to grasp
fundamental political and economic facts. It is a lesson that South
Africa would also be wise to learn - that years of political mismanagement
cannot simply be corrected by negotiation or a change of government.
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