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The security-military business complex and the transition in Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Institute
June 30, 2008

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Abstract

The military has over the last few years expanded and consolidated its position in both the politics and the economy of Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwe army now virtually controls the major institutions of the state and formal policy making structures and processes of the country. Through their role in the Joint Operations Command- a group of the Army, Police, Prisons and the Central Intelligence Organisation heads which meets regularly to coordinate military and security affairs, serving and retired military and other security officials have come to direct all key national and governance issues rather than the cabinet. On the economic front, the military has increasingly played an important role in both directing production and ownership of the means of production. The military has become a significant part of the domestic bourgeoisie class and many top commanders have teamed up with politicians and businessmen to form political and economic interest groups venturing into lucrative business ventures, such as platinum and gold mining.

The military is now deeply engrained in the in political and economical affairs of the country that whatever transitional deal has to be undertaken has to take into consideration the political and economic interests of this important constituency. The increased role of the army in politics since the late 1990s strongly suggests that the military leadership would be an important power broker whose opinion will have to be sought on any political deal to be concluded. Equally, all other parties would need to get the army to underwrite any agreement if it were to be effective and lasting. The most important challenge for Zimbabwe's transition is thus how it deals with the military in the whole quest for political and economic reforms and stabilisation.

Introduction

The military is one of the less talked about issues in many of the debates about the Zimbabwe crisis or attendant efforts to resolve it. Yet, the military has always been an important actor in conflict and transition zones around the world, such as Zimbabwe. Conflict and the resulting instability, even in non-warring zones as Zimbabwe, usually create opportunities for the military to occupy civilian space under the guise of restoring order and stability. In the case of contemporary Zimbabwe, the military has since the beginnings of the post-2000 crisis expanded and consolidated its position in both the politics and the economy of the country that it is now deeply engrained in the political and economical affairs of the country. The Zimbabwe military has over the last few years increasingly come to direct the affairs of both the state and the country without having to announce a coup. Since 2002, the military has consistently threatened to veto any poll result that goes against its preferred candidate-Mugabe, conveniently arguing that any other result will be a reversal of the gains of liberation. The military and government security cluster's centrality in the political and economic governance of Zimbabwe has even become more entrenched since the March 2008 election when political power evidently slipped from the hands of President Mugabe and his ZANU PF leaders. The government security cluster, involving the military, police and intelligence commanders, is reported to have taken over all the functions of government in what analysts and observers have described as a 'creeping coup'. The military is likely to continue playing an important role in the day to day running of the country in the near future. Any political transition in Zimbabwe needs to take this unique position of the Zimbabwe military into account.

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