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Bob's
path to a sixth term
Mail & Guardian (SA)
November 26, 2007
http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=325971&area=/insight/insight__africa/
With inflation reported
at close to 15 000%, a quarter of the population in need of food
aid and a currency so worthless even the government charges for
services in foreign currency, no sitting leader should win an election.
Unless, of course, he
is Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe.
Hard as it may be for
many of his critics to figure out, especially those outside Zimbabwe,
Mugabe has an open road to a sixth successive term as leader.
Mugabe has already made
light work of what was supposed to be the hard part -- taking out
what internal Zanu-PF opposition there was in his path to a nomination
for yet another term. Those previously reported to be plotting against
his candidacy have now been smoked out and paraded on national television
to deny they had any ambition to succeed Mugabe.
Now comes the easy part,
winning an election under the sort of conditions that will shrivel
any other incumbent.
A range of factors combine
to carry Mugabe past next March's election.
First, the opposition
is in disarray and is unlikely to bother him too much.
Street clashes on Sunday
between youths loyal to the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
leader Morgan Tsvangirai and supporters of Lucia Matibenga, sacked
by Tsvangirai as leader of the women's wing, ended all remaining
doubt about what is preoccupying the opposition.
Since it split
into two bitterly opposed factions in October 2005, the MDC's threat
to Mugabe has diminished sharply. The MDC took nearly half of all
contested seats at its first election in 2000 and Tsvangirai lost
only marginally to Mugabe in the presidential polls in 2002. Both
polls were considered by foreign observers to be deeply flawed.
But the MDC was already
losing momentum by the time the next elections came in 2005, hobbled
by personality clashes and sharp differences over how to confront
Mugabe.
Earlier this year, attempts
were made at least to forge a coalition -- so bitter were divisions
that talk of outright unity was taboo -- against Mugabe. But, the
negotiations fell through because, incredibly, the two factions
bickered about which side would get the choicest government posts
should Mugabe be defeated.
As late as this week
Tsvangirai and his party were still to commit fully on whether or
not they would go into the election. It all depended on the outcome
of the Thabo Mbeki process, Tsvangirai said.
The hesitation and constant
fighting have disillusioned voters. People who would be likely to
vote for the MDC might stay away from the polls. According to Thabani
Moyo of Crisis in Zimbabwe, a coalition of opposition groups, young
voters and traditionally opposition supporters, have grown weary
of politics.
"They [the youth]
are preoccupied with issues of unemployment and see the political
process as a dirty way of expressing themselves," said Moyo.
The MDC relied largely
on anti-Mugabe sentiment in previous elections; people voting to
get rid of Mugabe rather than because they believed in what the
MDC had to offer. These days though, there has been deeper scrutiny
of the opposition.
In contrast, Mugabe can
rely on a faithful core support, where voting for him is a tradition
for some, whatever the circumstances. Even in areas where he has
lost to the opposition, votes for Mugabe have remained fairly constant,
whereas MDC numbers have fluctuated.
Mugabe's biggest wish
is to thump the MDC in its urban strongholds, where he is still
reviled. His attempt to win urban voters over, a price slash in
June, has backfired so badly that a meeting of his own MPs in August
called for an end to the crackdown to keep Zanu-PF's urban hopes
alive.
Mugabe's deputy, Joseph
Msika -- while declaring that Mugabe should be president for life
-- this week acknowledged the difficulty of winning urban votes,
citing the collapse of service delivery, with power and water cuts
lasting weeks.
Even though Mugabe could
well give up trying to get urban voters to vote for him, he will
try and make sure that his party bolsters its two-thirds Parliamentary
majority -- which must be protected at all costs to allow for more
constitutional amendments.
So, his party
may put to use an experiment that worked very well in the last general
election, in 2005. The only seat Zanu-PF won in Harare, the Harare
South constituency, had been cunningly demarcated so that a large
chunk of neighbouring farmland was grafted into the constituency,
diluting the urban vote and handing the Zanu-PF candidate a narrow
victory.
Constitutional
amendments passed in September increase the number of constituencies
in 2008 from the current 150 to 210. To maintain his party's two-thirds
majority in the lower house, Mugabe is certain to push for more
constituencies in his rural strongholds. the MDC remains largely
vulnerable in the countryside, where its message of change has not
appealed to the immediate needs of impoverished rural voters.
Mugabe, on the other
hand, is able to promise rural voters plots of land, and has, since
September, handed out more than 1 200 tractors and about 500 000
basic farm tools -- from ploughs to animal drawn carts -- for free.
He has also been dishing out free seed, fertiliser, and grain.
His opponents call it
vote buying. Mugabe insists it is all part of his agriculture revival
programme.
So confident
is Mugabe that, this week, he published a Bill giving his opponents
a bit more of what they wanted. The draft Electoral
Laws Amendment Bill would bar the military, police and prison
officers from any involvement in elections beyond providing security,
a key demand of the MDC at ongoing talks mediated by President Thabo
Mbeki.
The new laws would also
now allow aggrieved candidates to demand recounts and require the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to check with all parties before demarkating
constituency and ward boundaries.
The country's sole broadcaster
would be compelled to "report impartially and give equal airtime
to all candidates". The Bill is expected to be tabled in Parliament
within the next 30 days.
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