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Lots
of talk but very little gain
Mail & Guardian (SA)
November 20, 2007
http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=325313&area=/insight/insight__africa/
The last stretch of talks
mediated by President Thabo Mbeki will be a key test of Zimbabwe's
opposition Movement for Democratic Change's (MDC) ability
to press meaningful concessions from Zanu PF. Already under pressure
from supporters after agreeing to constitutional amendments in September,
the MDC now finds itself four months away from crucial elections
without having made any real gains in the talks. The two sides met
again recently but the talks were informal, as Sydney Mufamadi and
Frank Chikane, Mbeki's mediators, were in Harare to attend
the funeral of the son of Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, one
of the Zanu PF negotiators. As bitter divisions undermine opposition
support, there are questions as to whether the MDC has the muscle
to wrest any real concessions from the process. Getting Zanu PF
to agree to broader reform would help the opposition to rebuild
its damaged credibility. This realisation alone puts its negotiators
under immense pressure.
Zanu PF has benefited
the most so far from the Mbeki-led negotiation process. The amendments
agreed upon in September, while bringing some reform to electoral
laws, essentially keep Mugabe's core powers intact. In fact,
the amendments significantly expand the size of Parliament, long
a desire of Mugabe's, and allow the president to appoint supporters
to the upper house. A raft of repressive pieces of legislation remains
in place to buttress Mugabe's rule. People involved in the
talks say negotiating about legislation has been the easy part.
The tougher battle will be discussions about how Zimbabwe is governed,
they say. For either side, winning that last stage of the battle
will depend largely on how much leverage it has over the other.
The only tool the MDC has - and one which Tsvangirai has employed
at several stages of the talks - is the threat to boycott elections.
The MDC knows Zanu PF is desperate to gain legitimacy in the election
next March and a boycott would damage the credibility of the polls.
But threats to boycott
"can only be used so much", according to a senior opposition
official close to Tsvangirai. "The problem is once you make
that threat two, three, four times, you risk losing both the respect
of the mediators and confusing your own supporters." A key
test will be the MDC's ability to resist pressure from impatient
supporters. Tsvangirai has conceded that hostility to the September
agreement arose from widespread "mistrust of the Zanu PF dictatorship
and a lack of a proper and full brief of the various stages in the
negotiation process". In fact, the secretive nature of the
talks was one of the many issues at the heart of recent MDC infighting.
Mbeki has forced both sets of negotiators to sign a non-disclosure
agreement, the terms of which are such that the teams can report
only to the most senior officials in their respective parties. This
has not been a problem for Zanu PF, where power is tightly concentrated
around Mugabe. But in the MDC a crisis meeting had to be called
last weekend after officials protested that only Tsvangirai and
his secretary general, Tendai Biti, were privy to the details and
progress of the talks. Biti and Welshman Ncube form the MDC negotiating
team.
Lovemore Madhuku,
head of the National
Constitutional Assembly, a pressure group that campaigns for
a new constitution and has severed a longstanding alliance with
the MDC over the talks, doubts the opposition has the stamina to
push Zanu PF to the wire and force it to yield on key issues. "The
MDC has so far not extracted any concessions from Zanu PF at all.
What they have simply
done is capitulation. Everything they have agreed to so far was
brought to the table by Zanu PF," Madhuku said. The MDC's
internal fighting, which erupted in 2005, has gravely diminished
its threat to Zanu PF, a fact of which Mugabe's negotiators
- Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche - will be fully aware when it is
their turn to give something away. "They [MDC] are unable
to get anything out of Zanu PF. To be able to do so, they needed
to be in a position to put Zanu PF under pressure. At the moment
they are nowhere near that position," said Madhuku.
At the start
of the negotiating process in April, both factions of the MDC created
four committees to give their team research support. However, little
has been done, as leaders were preoccupied with the internal strife,
the crisis meeting of Tsvangirai's faction heard last week.
Zimbabwe Election Support Network chairperson Noel Kututwa says
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), which runs elections, is
behind schedule with the delimitation process. In the past demarcation
for 150 constituencies usually took at least six months, but a ZEC
crippled by low staffing levels is expected now to take less than
three months to mark 210 constituencies. Meanwhile, Edwell Mutemaringa,
chief accountant for the country's registrar general, told
a parliamentary portfolio committee that his department, which runs
the voters' roll, has received less than a tenth of its budget
requirements. The Zimbabwean police, which in terms of the law should
provide at least four officers per polling station, wants to double
its size for the elections. But deputy police chief Levy Sibanda
has said the police force is so broke it can no longer even supply
uniforms for recruits. Director of the Zimbabwe
Civic Education Trust David Chimhini feared the talks were fast
running out of time. "We still need to get information [on
the result of the talks] relayed to the electorate and we don't
see sufficient time at the moment to do that," he said.
On October 12 2005 a
meeting of the Movement for Democratic Change to discuss its participation
in elections ended in spliting the party into two factions. Arthur
Mutambara heads one faction, of 22 MPs, with Gibson Sibanda as his
deputy and secretary general Welshman Ncube. Other key figures in
this faction are Paul Themba Nyathi, Renson Gasela, Fletcher Dulini
Ncube and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga. Morgan Tsvangirai leads
a faction of 21 MPs, with Thokozani Khupe as his deputy, Tendai
Biti as secretary general and Lovemore Moyo as chairperson. The
Tsvangirai faction now faces a further split after Tsvangirai sacked
Lucia Matibenga, head of the influential women's wing, last
month. Tsvangirai has the support of his chair, Moyo, and a group
of personal, powerful advisers, key among them businessperson Ian
Makone. Tsvangirai faces opposition from most of his senior MPs,
including Tapiwa Mashakada, the deputy secretary general, and Elias
Mudzuri, a popular and ambitious former Harare mayor. Mudzuri has
called Tsvangirai's recent actions "unacceptable".
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