Back to Index

Zimbabwe's crisis, civil society's responsibility: Robert Mugabe, the memory of colonialism and the real neo-colonial agenda
Grace Kwinjeh
August 23, 2007

http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,3,1279

Download this document
- Word 97 version (61KB)
- Adobe PDF version (75KB)
If you do not have the free Acrobat reader on your computer, download it from the Adobe website by clicking here.

This is the text of Grace Kwinjeh's presentation at the Harold Wolpe Lecture Series, University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, Durban

Introduction

Why were we colonized? And were we ever really decolonized?

These are the central questions that should be at the core of liberation discourse in Zimbabwe and Africa at large, in order to start dealing with neo-colonial 'ghosts'. These ghosts are real enough when they take the form of dictatorships, exploitative neo-liberal capitalism and repression of our growing resistance to these.

Rather than reflect upon now distant liberation ideals - one person one vote, or restoring the dignity of the African person, both of which are frankly further from us than they were in 1979 - I think it is important to begin by asking why as Zimbabweans and Africans we were colonised in the first place, and whether even the most radical nationalists in Zanu(PF) are guilty of what Frantz Fanon called 'false decolonisation'.

What forces were at work then and now? Might it be that our continued oppression and underdevelopment result as much from the global capitalist order, as from our own failings as Africans?

Most importantly, are our elite leaders - especially those who excel at anti-imperialist rhetoric when giving speeches at conferences, summits and other public places - the real agents of imperialism?

It is crucial to remember the history of colonialism in Zimbabwe, especially 'How Europe underdeveloped Africa' as Walter Rodney phrased it. That history set the stage for the postcolonial political agenda in Zimbabwe, the 'exhausted patriarchal model of liberation' in Horace Campbell's words, in which 'the ruling elite [serve] as intermediary for global capital'. Only then can we tackle the resulting challenges facing Zimbabwe's new social liberation movement.

Finally, we Zimbabweans also have something to say about the advent of neoliberalism in South Africa, and we look with disquiet upon Pretoria's plans for a potential 'elite transition' in Zimbabwe. Our ability to resist a bad deal will depend upon how much we learn from the infamous events of March 11 this year, how we counteract state violence, and how we restore the Ubuntu of our Africanness in the face of state brutality and economic exploitation.

I want to argue that it is only by putting these ingredients together that we can identify home-grown struggles that call forth home-grown solutions in the form of people-centred economic and political transformation.

Download full document 

Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.

TOP