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Political economics of change in Southern Africa in 21st century
Creative Writers And Arts Workshop
June 2007

Introduction

The past 3 decades have witnessed many changes in the development of Constitutions and public policies in Southern Africa, particularly in Zimbabwe and South Africa. But there, often in society, idealistic exeptations that public policies will always serve the same purposes as Constitutions. To a significant extent this is a legitimate expectation. But when public policies say different things from Constitutions, the Constitution risks becoming an object of idealism, as it will then be projecting values and notions of human life that are at variance with social development needs. Zimbabwe and South Africa are classic examples of countries where there were popular struggles for democratic Constitutions. In both cases the enemy was colonialism. The Constitutions of that age and time were fairly explicit in their perceptions and treatment of other races and people. In Cecil John Rhodes's and Ian Smith's Rhodesia, and during the dark days of apartheid in South Africa from the 1950's, through to the 80's and 90's it was clear black people belonged to the margins of human existence; as slaves and dogs. Public policies, and the Constitutions within which they were framed literally 'spoke' to each other well. The colonial political economy had a clear consistency of purpose.

In 2007 economic causes remain at the heart core of Southern Africa's struggles. Constitutions inspire great hope; they say many beautiful things. But public policies in Southern Africa are mostly at variance with the spirit of the Constitutions. In fact public policies tend to reflect priorities that are against the workers and the generality of poor people. These are not only population groups upon who Government depends for its budgetary incomes, but are also the people who hold the primary responsibility sustaining struggles for political liberation. In addition to these groups now in Southern Africa are migrants. In 2007 an estimated three million Zimbabweans live in South Africa, mostly as refugees and asylum seekers. Their existence in these countries is regulated by Constitutional provisions, and public laws. This is also in addition to millions others who have fled to other countries such as Botswana and the United Kingdom.

With Constitutions and public policies in perspective, there are a few historical facts that are noteworthy;

1. Firstly, Independence and Democracy in Zimbabwe and South Africa in 1980 and 1994 were founded on the back of radical liberation philosophy that included nationalization, economic controls and transfers of wealth. Workers and Trade Unions had been driven into the bush, into alliances and negotiations to fight for a vision they were firmly clear about. It was a legitimate expectation of any trade unionist and freedom fighter in the 1980's and 1990's to carry expectations of comprehensive policies and programs of black economic empowerment being implemented without fail within the first few years of political liberation. The objective of Zimbabwe Government at independence 'was to implement policies based on socialist, egalitarian and democratic principles under conditions of rapid economic growth, full employment, price stability, dynamic efficiency in the allocation of resources and ensure that the benefits are equitably distributed'. There was no expectation of living the lives of refugees and asylum seekers in foreign lands in the region.

2. Secondly, it is a fact that independence and democratic outcomes in both Zimbabwe and South Africa were accompanied with new policy regimes that represented reversals on the original thinking about how these countries were to have been governed. It is an established fact that Zimbabwe and South Africa abandoned their 'liberation policy blueprints', in the interests of some compromise solutions that prioritized law, peace, order, private enterprise and investment. But policy is, invariably, also about choice, and questions will inevitably arise. Was it going to be possible for the two countries to reach their visions of economic transfromation in the context of these compromise settlements? Has the economic situation of the majority of citizens in the two countries changed for the better, or perhaps, to phrase the question a bit differently, would it have changed anyway? This is important for the displaced as economic regression now accounts for the large influxes from the region into South Africa.

3. Thirdly, it is clear that in both countries the abandonment of 'liberation policy blueprints' came with the adoption of economic solutions from the 'right' of the ideological spectrum. The shifts in the 'public economic policy mindset' and political ideology in both countries were in the same direction; they were in the direction of conservative, market oriented solutions.

At independence and democracy, Zimbabwe and South Africa inherited highly unequal economies. Thus public policy in the post independence, 'democratic' era sought to address challenges of Growth and Equity, in South Africa through the Reconstruction and Development (RDP) and other Black Empowerment programs. Guiding these initiatives were new democratic Constitutions that sought to enshrine democratic rights and values "of all people, and citizens". As it is stated the South African Constitution

.." . . . . . . ..enshrines the rights of all people . . . . and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom" .

Studies of policy performance over the years however highlight that policies in the region have had nominal positive impact; that overally they failed to improve the lives of broad segments of the people in the region. Analysts further suggest that the worsening poverty and population dislocations in the region are actually traceable to these same public policies; that the policies were misguided in terms of their priorities, and also in terms of the values, ethics and principles that underlie Constitutions.

The South African Constitution has been commended for guaranteeing asylum seekers and refugees the right to work as this preserves the right of refugees to welfare and dignity. But although the rights of the poor, as well as refugees and asylum seekers are guaranteed in terms of the law, accessing these rights is far from guaranteed when it comes to policy. Many of these vulnerable people, many of who are qualified and experienced, are barred from productive employment through delays in securing valid documentation. Refugees and asylum seekers with professional qualifications cannot practice professionally because of the expenses involved in having their qualifications certified by the South African Qualifications Authority (SAQA). There are also growing numbers of asylum seekers and refugees who are unaccompanied children and the state has been compelled through court judgements to review its policies towards minors particularly as regards detention, as well as create opportunities for social assistance and adoption. Many immigrant children have been adversely affected in terms of their schooling.

The effects of market reforms across the region exhibit a negative trend. In 2007, after decades of market reforms, Zimbabwe has the worst development indicators outside a war zone in the world, with annual inflation estimated at 4000%. Just as with Zimbabwe's ESAP and ZIMPREST in the 1990's, South Africa's GEAR also failed to "catapult" the South African economy to anticipated high levels of growth. In fact unemployment and poverty actually worsened during the period of its implementation. Over 1995-1999 Zimbabwe's gross domestic product (GDP) grew in real terms by 2.1 per cent per annum, which was 1.7% below the target of 3.8%. All this helps explain why in 2007 South Africa remains " . . . .one of the most unequal countries in the world, with the poorest 40 per cent of households still living below the minimum household subsistence level." And the poor immigrants themselves continue to lack the human dignity, equality and freedom that Constitutions promise. But perhaps the greatest tragedy tends to be the implicit allocation of blame to the poor and the immigrants for their condition. As economic inequalities continue to deepen the poor trend to be held accountable for their own state, or condition of endemic poverty. From the perspectives of the Constitutions and policies, poverty is increasingly an outcome of the irrationality of poor people.

The influx of many Zimbabweans into South Africa is particularly important for the local economy. Population immigration benefits South African business (especially the farms and mines) by creating a large pool of cheap labour. Evidence indicates that immigrant workers in the Northern Transvaal earn less than R200 per month.

Additionally, despite similar Constitutional guarantees, the South Africa's National Housing Code actively discriminates against asylum seekers and refugees and restricts housing subsidies to citizens and permanent residents. There is also need to develop capacity in the public health sector through training about refugee rights to health care and also to voluntary testing and counseling for HIV. HIV-positive refugees have rights of access to anti-retroviral treatment.

Economic irrationality is a drastic implication for half of the 200 million people in the Southern Africa who are living in poverty. In 2007 Southern Africa has the worst employment, income, quality of life, HIV Aids indicators in the world. Despite all the promises of Constitutions and public policies all that the people of Southern Africa appear to have secured is peace and order, but not without the poverty. When there is the persistent denial of the same refugee and human rights that the Constitution purports to advance or protect the Constitution becomes an ambiguous or abstract document with questionable relevance to the challenges society faces.

To date all attempts at resolving the Zimbabwe crisis are preoccupied with its effects, rather than the root causes. For instance South Africa is investing significant amounts of public resources into border and immigration control legislation and activities at a time when an urgent proactive political approach to the crisis is needed. The persistent deterioration of conditions in Zimbabwe will always lead to increases in migrants and deportations across the border, and this has adverse repercussions on public service costs in South Africa. The proactive approach demonstrates interest in resolving a local (African) problem without foreign interference, whereas the reactive approach will result in substantial long-term costs for taxpayers and other economic costs.

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