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"Now is the winter of our discontent made glorious summer . . . " : Where is the promised mass action?
Sokwanele
September 11, 2006

http://www.sokwanele.com/articles/sokwanele/winterofdiscontent_10septemeber2006.html

The beginning of September in Zimbabwe truly marks the end of winter and the beginning of spring: the fruit trees are beginning to blossom, the birds are busy building nests, the cool mornings are turning into bright warm days.

In March this year, Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of one of the factions of the divided opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), spoke at his party’s congress. He promised a "sustained cold season of peaceful democratic resistance", which has since been dubbed by his faction of the MDC a "Winter of Discontent".

His speech outlined the right that the people of Zimbabwe have to mass action, where they are entitled to express themselves and to share their views on the way they are governed, and that "experience shows that only a sustained and concerted effort by all Zimbabweans shall deliver a desired result".

Tsvangirai continued:

"The phase that we have entered calls upon every one of us to endure the pain and resolutely fight for freedom. In summary, our experience shows us that while we managed to shake the regime with action in March 2003 and in June 2003, we did not move sufficiently to cause meaningful democratic change in our society. The options open to us are very clear: we need a short, sharp programme of action to free ourselves."

He pledged himself to take up the challenge and lead from the front. This personal pledge and the calls to the people have been repeated often in the last 6 months; they have been used as a rallying call to a subdued yet angry people who are longing for a leadership that will free them from the tyranny of the Zanu PF regime. In July, at a meeting of the MDC provincial chairpersons to evaluate the party's state of preparedness to embark on a national resistance programme, he encouraged the participants with the words:

"The MDC leadership is ready for a comprehensive roll out effort. We are a serious political party. We represent the last hope of the nation. We have a duty to offer alternatives when a nation is under stress. Our road map to a new Zimbabwe can only be a reality if we make a political statement through action and demonstrate to the world the exact location of Zimbabwe's political power balance."

The promise that there would be a winter of discontent has often been repeated by National Executive members of the Tsvangirai faction and newspapers and web sites sympathetic to the Tsvangirai faction such as the Zimbabwean newspaper.

For example Eddie Cross’ website documents all his newsletters written this year which repeatedly make the promise that there would be a winter of discontent. In March he wrote "I expect real action this time and there is, for the first time, going to be a confrontation" (just after the March congress); "we are about to hit this egg hard" (mid April); and continuing with "Lets not despair – the finish line is in sight….. It has taken longer than any of us expected and it has been much tougher than we anticipated, but we are nearly there" (end of July); and talking about moving "towards democratic resistance strategies designed to secure a negotiated settlement of the political crisis and to chart the way forward" (beginning of August).

The Zimbabwean’s front page articles these days have featured positive coverage of Tsvangirai and his faction. By the end of August, in the absence of any concrete fulfilment of these pledges, the faction obviously felt the need to reassure its supporters that it was still committed to mass action, and The Zimbabwean obliged by reporting those speeches. For two consecutive weeks at the end of August, we are regaled with such front page headlines:

"Agreement on mass action"
"Prepare to be arrested – Tsvangirai"

And the current front cover of The Zimbabwean is titled "Government jitters as MDC demo looms" (a misleading headline given the fact that the protests anticipated to go ahead on Wednesday this week have been organised by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)).

The sloganeering of recent months also seems to have had a personal political motive – namely that of building up Morgan Tsvangirai, and to encourage people to "Morgan’s side" in the split of the MDC into two factions. He has put himself forward as the saviour of the country – the one prepared to lead his people in peaceful mass action against a despotic regime. In other words in the competition to portray the Tsvangirai faction as the "main MDC", or even the only MDC, the promise of mass action has been deliberately used to create the notion that only Morgan Tsvangirai can deliver Zimbabweans from their plight. Accordingly the question must be asked – "were these promises just ill thought through expressions of genuine desires or were they a cynical and deceitful ploy to bolster support for Morgan Tsvangirai without any real intention of carrying out the promises?" Only time will tell what the truth is. But clearly having made the promise Morgan Tsvangirai must deliver or else many will undoubtedly believe that there was never any real intent to organise a "Winter of Discontent".

The concerns that there was no real intention to organise a winter of discontent were greatly increased in late June when Morgan Tsvangirai’s spokesman William Bango told the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper that the use of the term "Winter of Discontent" was "metaphorical" and that not much store should be placed in mass action being organised in the winter of 2006. That is simply not good enough for two reasons: firstly from the various statements made by Morgan Tsvangirai and his lieutenants it was made clear that the action would be soon and "short and sharp"; secondly if one does use phrases such as "winter of discontent" especially in autumn (as they were) in a metaphorical way then one has an obligation to tell people explicitly that the phrase is used metaphorically, otherwise hopes will be unnecessarily raised only to be dashed.

However, whatever the case now that spring is here, we can and must now legitimately ask: Where is this winter of discontent? Why hasn’t it happened?

Lest the response be that there was a march to Parliament by Morgan Tsvangirai and his "liberation team" on the 1st September we must say that whilst that is welcome that does not amount to a winter of discontent. The truth is that there has been no winter of discontent – there has been no mass action of any form organised this now past winter.

Numerous are the reasons why mass action hasn’t taken off; some of these rest with the people, some with the leadership.

From the people’s side, grinding poverty has taken its toll: people are weakened from malnutrition, many eating only one meal a day, and are using all their remaining energy in trying to scrape together the wherewithal to feed, clothe and educate their families. AIDS has also increased the burden on the poor, who are largely unable to afford anti-retroviral drugs or the good nutrition necessary to stay the onslaught of the disease; the age-group most decimated by AIDS is precisely that group most needed to maintain productivity for the country and to support their families by employment in the formal sector. These are also the ones most likely to take to the streets in protest.

There is also the issue of leadership who, time and again, have failed to harness and direct the anger of the people. Morgan Tsvangirai and his party have consistently raised expectations, only to let Zimbabweans down by failing to deliver.

Interestingly, in his book "Degrees in Violence", David Blair chronicles a similar failure by Tsvangirai back in 2000, recalling that Tsvangirai had promised in public, 16 times, that mass action would be launched in order to have ousted Mugabe by Christmas 2000. Yet, says the author, "Nothing happened. Absolutely nothing. To coin a phrase, Tsvangirai missed this historic opportunity and betrayed the people". He continues:

"Yet by raising expectations only for them to be dashed, Tsvangirai damaged his credibility. Why did he make pledges which he had no intention of keeping? ….I will never know. I am forced to the conclusion that he didn’t mean a word of it and spoke only for effect. In other words, Tsvangirai was in the business of cheap posturing, while his country fell apart".

The real danger of raising the expectations of people, by promising mass action and "winters of discontent", is that if one does not fulfill one’s promises the resultant dashing of expectations actually disempowers people and strengthens the regime. Failed promises disillusion the people because they lose faith in their leaders. Conversely despotic regimes are greatly encouraged when publicly announced plans of mass action do not materialize. All in all it is better to say nothing at all than to announce plans to engage the regime that one has no real intention of fulfilling.

To be fair to Tsvangirai and his team, there are very real obstacles which stand in the way of successful implementation of mass action, such as extremely limited media coverage of the opposition; oppressive legislation such as POSA (Public Order and Security Act) and AIPPA (Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act) all designed to hamper dissemination of information to the masses; and an apathetic and complicit South Africa who, for reasons best known to themselves, have consistently failed to denounce the Mugabe regime or to support the alternatives.

Equally, there are risks involved in mass action and street protests. No one who has lived in Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe for any length of time is unaware of them. The regime has the full force of the police, army, CIO and youth militia at its disposal (all funded by the taxpayer, we would point out). It has not hesitated in the past to bring them out to violently suppress any public dissent; it will not hesitate in the future.

However, the fact remains that Tsvangirai has promised, time and again, yet failed to deliver.

What is it, then, that is needed to rectify the situation? What is needed to successfully implement peaceful mass action and depose the ZANU PF regime?

Firstly, competent and brave leadership is required, a leadership that can channel the anger and frustration of the people into pressure on Mugabe to step down. The MDC lost their moment (once again) after the stolen March 2005 General Elections, when an angry populace was ready to go onto the streets, waiting only for a leadership brave enough to stand in front of the crowd and lead. Tsvangirai and those in leadership with him have described themselves as "the Liberation team" but they have still much to prove in this regard and quite frankly that term is presumptuous at this stage – they still have much to do before they deserve that appellation. Whilst the leadership shown last Friday is welcome, a 400 meter dash to Parliament, catching the Police by surprise, must be seen for what it is – a tentative start. It will take determined leadership that is consistently and repeatedly prepared to go out in the face of riot police and the army for the people of Zimbabwe to be truly inspired.

Secondly, the mass action needs to be planned and executed by a team which is secretive and confidential, not infiltrated by the CIO and Zanu PF cadres, and which can competently strategize so as to present a plan to the people with perfect timing, just before the event. The so-called "final push" of June 2003 failed in this respect: at this stage, the MDC was already infiltrated, and so much media hype was generated by the party that the Mugabe regime went into full swing to help ensure that the week-long mass stayaways were only half-hearted at most.

Next, the organisers of mass action need to be absolutely committed to the principle of using democratic and non-violent means, unlike Tsvangirai’s infamous (and possibly unmeant) declaration in September 2002 that "What we say to Mugabe is ‘Please go peacefully. If you don’t want to go peacefully, we will remove you violently’." For so long as people fear that there are agent provocateurs helping organize mass action (who may well incite violence in the course of any mass action) peace loving Zimbabweans will remain hesitant about joining a programme of mass action en masse.

Financial resources are also needed, as is consensus with other organisations, such as the National Constitutional Assembly (the NCA), trade unions, churches, WOZA (Women of Zimbabwe Arise) and the like. It also requires consensus between the two factions of the opposition MDC. It is simply farcical to think that either faction can organise a national programme of mass action without the involvement of the other. Zimbabwe is much bigger than either Harare or Bulawayo.

Very few leaders appear present in Zimbabwe today, who can meet these prerequisites.

In fact, the only groups who have successfully organised mass action and street protests, are the churches, WOZA and the NCA.

The churches in Bulawayo peacefully marched on Good Friday of 2005, and again in mid 2006 to commemorate the suffering caused by Operation Murambatsvina. WOZA women regularly organize events such as handing out roses on Valentine’s Day, marches from Bulawayo to Harare, or demonstrations outside the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe; their bravery frequently leads to arrests, police brutality, and being locked up in police cells – yet they do it again and again. And the NCA equally has shown itself relatively fearless in confronting the regime by street demonstrations and marches.

The International Crisis Group’s August 2006 report, "Zimbabwe: An Opposition Strategy", draws a number of these themes together. It calls on the international community, long frustrated at its inability to influence the crisis, to assist, especially by tightening targeted sanctions. It also calls on South Africa, Zimbabwe’s nearest neighbour and regional powerhouse, to offer mediation services.

The way forward, as the International Crisis Group sees it, is:

"A decentralised campaign of non-violent resistance, at many places around the country and focused on bread and butter demands, could have more promise because it would be harder to infiltrate and disrupt and might force the government to decide between starting a process of piecemeal concessions or relying on less trusted men as the security forces were stretched. Ultimately, stalemate in Zimbabwe is most likely to be broken by domestic resistance of one kind or another. With conditions becoming so dire, no one can discount a spontaneous revolt like the 1998 food riots. But it is incumbent on the MDC and civil society to try to manage the birth of a new dynamic that would also energise the international community."

Now is the time for our leaders to show themselves to be brave men and women of action. Promises made should be fulfilled. Those who are unable or unwilling to deliver on their promises should step down to make way for others who can. For the sake of the people of Zimbabwe, we need leaders who can work to dislodge this dictatorship using all the non-violent and democratic means at their disposal.

We can but hope that the failed promise of a winter of discontent may yet, as Shakespeare wrote, be made "a glorious summer". We look forward to that day when we all meet on the streets to say "Enough is enough; Zvakwana; Sokwanele!"

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