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AU
resorts to shooting the messenger
Mavis Makuni,The Financial Gazette (Zimbabwe)
January 26, 2006
http://www.fingaz.co.zw/story.aspx?stid=588
Has the African
Union adopted a version of a quintessentially American procedure
– the filibuster – to avoid attending to controversial issues brought
before it.
Reports from
Khartoum, the Sudanese capital, to the effect that the continental
body has thrown out a report on Zimbabwe submitted by the African
Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) confirm widespread
suspicion that the AU leaders are using delay tactics in solidarity
with one of their peers. A filibuster is defined as: holding the
floor of the United States senate to delay proceedings and thereby
prevent a vote on a controversial issue …"
The history
of the ACHPR report on Zimbabwe’s human rights record, on which
the AU has forestalled debate for one reason or another over the
last four years raises questions about the commitment of the organisation
to tackling serious issues affecting ordinary people in member countries.
The AU, through its inertia, is holding the floor for ordinary Zimbabweans.
The ACHPR is,
after all, an arm of the AU created through a charter agreed upon
during the existence of the AU’s forerunner, the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU). The AU should therefore be anxious to see this
organ of its own creation functioning to meet the objectives which
it was set up to achieve, which include seeing whether governments
are observing the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights.
An ACHPR delegation
led by Jainaba Johm of Gambia , which included prominent South African
academic Barney Pityana and Fiona Adolu of Uganda came to Zimbabwe
in 2002 to probe persistent allegations on human rights violations
Johm said at the time that the delegation had come "because
of the allegations of violations of human rights by law enforcement
agencies and threats to civil liberties as well as charges of invasions
of the rule of law and concerns about the independence of the judiciary."
After widespread
consultations with various stakeholders, Johm’s delegation produced
a report that was scathingly critical of the Zimbabwean government’s
human rights record but over the last five years, using one form
of subterfuge or another, African leaders have avoided discussing
the matter.
More than two
years ago, an executive summary of the ACHPR’s report was all set
to tabled at a meeting that was to be held in July2004, when Zimbabwe’s
then foreign minister Stan Mudenge, at the last minute came up with
the most implausible reason to delay scrutiny of Zimbabwe’s conduct.
He incredibly got away with telling the unlikely story that Zimbabwe
was not ready to respond to the allegations because it had not seen
the report. The reason for this was that a sister ministry to which
the report had been inadvertently sent had sat on it for months
on end.
The decision
of the Council of Ministers to throw the report back to the commission
prior to the AU summit in Khartoum this week proves that political
games are still being played to avoid tackling the matter. The Council
of Ministers, which deliberated before the African heads of state
and government began their summit, said they had sent the report
back to the ACHPR because it had noticed "irregularities and
procedural flaws", according to a report published in a Zimbabwean
daily newspaper on Tuesday.
The irregularities
and procedural flaws apparently included charges that the latest
report resembled another rejected by the AU at a summit in Addis
Ababa in 2004. Another bone of contention was that the ACHPR report
included a resolution for the AU to act on an adverse United Nations
report on Zimbabwe’s clean-up exercise, Operation Murambatsvina,
which caused an outcry both at home and abroad last year.
Another "irregularity
and procedural flaw" noted by the Council of Ministers was
that the ACHPR document was the work of non-governmental organisations
that had submitted allegations on Zimbabwe’s conduct in relation
to the judiciary, the press, and the enactment of laws perceived
to be repressive or unjust.
Unnamed diplomats
were quoted in the newspaper report saying the African heads of
state gathered in Khartoum could not be expected to debate the UN
report, which they "did not cause" or the ACHPR report
because the commission had not taken the report through the various
stages.
It is noteworthy
that in their duplicity over the Zimbabwean issue, the AU heads
of state and government have chosen to place more importance on
purely legalistic aspects while ignoring the substance of the ACHPR
report and the implications thereof. The AU has never come out openly
to say it is satisfied that the allegations levelled against the
Zimbabwean government are untrue, and therefore do not warrant to
be scrutinised.
Instead of being
principled enough to take a stand on the matter, the leaders, some
of whose countries have also been accused of similar abuses, have
chosen to sit on the fence and keep their options open.
Following the
genocide in Rwanda in 1994 during which close to a million people
were butchered , the UN and Western countries came under attack
for not having responded fast enough to avert the catastrophe. Never
again, leaders vowed. But a decade later, history is repeating itself.
The AU has persistently
ignored distress signals from one of its member countries and has
instead resorted to shooting the messenger, the ACHPR. The question
African leaders should answer is why they bother to set up arms
or agencies of AU if they turn around and treat these organisations
as foes with suspect motives.
It is inconceivable
that if the real reason for keeping debate on Zimbabwe’s human rights
record in abeyance was failure to follow procedures, the leaders
would have taken all these years without giving the ACHPR an ultimatum
to put its house in order so that the report would be tabled before
them as soon as possible.
As it is, they
seem happy to clutch at the flimsiest reasons to avoid confronting
the matter. But if the allegations against Zimbabwe are untrue,
the only way to exonerate the government is to facilitate open scrutiny
and debate at the continental level.
The refusal
to table the ACHPR report because non-governmental organisations
contributed to its contents and compilation is ridiculous. It implies
that the AU would only have been ready to listen if the complaints
have come from official government sources! It does not make sense
either for the continental body to refuse to address a pressing
issue such as the humanitarian crisis caused by Operation Murambatsvina
simply because their attention has been drawn to it by the United
Nations.
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