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Dictator's
grip is tightened by weak protest
David
Blair, Telegraph (UK)
July
27, 2005
http://www.opinion.telegraph.co.uk/
When Robert
Mugabe's beleaguered opponents initially set out to break his stranglehold
on Zimbabwe, the joyful defiance of their first rally left an indelible
impression on every witness.
My mind's eye
holds a vivid picture of the Movement for Democratic Change's inaugural
gathering held almost six years ago. A jubilant crowd of 15,000
packed the terraces of Rufaro stadium in Harare, roaring their support
for Morgan Tsvangirai, the party's founding leader.
They subjected
a huge billboard bearing the President's portrait to numerous indignities.
First, a trade union banner was draped over the old dictator's eyes
and nose, then youths tore away the lower panels, depriving Mr Mugabe
of his left cheek.
Grinning street
urchins arrived at the stadium carrying a squawking cockerel - the
symbol of the ruling Zanu-PF party - and proceeded to boot the poor
bird around the football field.
"We have not
come here to launch an opposition," declared Mr Tsvangirai, whose
office wall displayed a cartoon of himself carving up a cockerel.
"We have come to ensure that the MDC is the next government."
At that moment,
I almost believed him. It seemed that Zimbabweans had finally summoned
the will to cast off a leader who had only brought them poverty
and repression.
What happened
next appeared to vindicate my optimism for the future. Only nine
months after that rally, Mr Tsvangirai won 57 seats in parliament,
having built the MDC from scratch into the most powerful opposition
force in Zimbabwe's history and one of the most significant popular
movements in Africa.
In the aftermath
of that election in June 2000, when the MDC swept all 19 seats in
Harare, the capital felt like a liberated city. People almost forgot
that Mr Mugabe was still in power. I, like many, was elated. The
quiet, insistent voices of elderly Zimbabwean sceptics were intensely
irritating.
Today, I curse
my optimism. I wish I had listened to those who offered the wise
prediction that Mr Mugabe's determination to hold on to power would
prove vastly greater than his opponents' resolve to oust him.
For with every
day that passes, it becomes glaringly obvious that the MDC has given
up any hope of ridding Zimbabwe of Mr Mugabe. The opposition's political
strategy appears to be nothing more sophisticated than waiting for
the 81-year-old dictator to die or retire.
Meanwhile, the
party is paralysed and drifting under Mr Tsvangirai's vacillating,
ineffectual leadership. Internecine rivalry has broken out.
The MDC's members
have taken to assaulting one another inside the party's Harare headquarters.
One MDC official has fled to South Africa after his colleagues tried
to kill him.
Mr Tsvangirai
apparently believes that Welshman Ncube, his secretary-general,
is plotting to seize the throne. Never mind that Mr Ncube denies
any manoeuvring, this internal challenge - perhaps an imaginary
one - seems uppermost in the MDC leader's mind.
Hence Mr Mugabe
gets away with one outrage after another. His unceasing excesses
cause storms of protest abroad - but precious little dissent at
home. Since May, his bulldozers have ravaged Zimbabwe's townships,
wrecking the homes or livelihoods of 700,000 people and harming
another 2.4 million, according to a United Nations report.
Mr Mugabe has
casually ruined the lives of one quarter of all Zimbabweans - in
the last eight weeks alone. He has done this with barely a whimper
from Mr Tsvangirai or the MDC.
Waging factional
battles seems far more important to Mr Tsvangirai than actually
opposing the regime, which is, after all, what opposition leaders
are paid to do. So Mr Mugabe's assault on the urban poor has passed
without the MDC organising even a single demonstration or protest.
In fairness,
there has been little spontaneous discontent. A few stones were
thrown at police during the urban demolitions and street battles
briefly erupted in towns such as Chitungwiza. But many Zimbabweans
meekly submitted to the destruction of their homes and livelihoods.
Any outsider
with goodwill towards this beautiful country is led towards some
profoundly disturbing conclusions. The entire Zimbabwean nation
seems to have given up opposing Mr Mugabe. Put bluntly, they are
waiting for God to remove him. The MDC's failure to offer any protest
or resistance reflects the popular mood.
But if 12 million
Zimbabweans have no will to rid themselves of a dictator, why should
anyone else help? Perhaps Zimbabweans deserve the most damning verdict
of all - that they have the leader they deserve.
I hasten to
add that I do not believe this. But looking at the country's recent
history, I find it hard to listen to Zimbabweans who blame the outside
world for failing to help. They have done precious little to help
themselves and Mr Tsvangirai seems most adept at machine-gunning
himself in both feet.
Let me select
a few examples of his disastrous judgment. As long ago as September
2000, Mr Tsvangirai announced that he would remove Mr Mugabe with
a "mass action" campaign of strikes and demonstrations. The president
would, he pledged, be gone by Christmas.
Mr Tsvangirai
made this promise in a series of rallies and interviews. He proceeded
to do absolutely nothing.
Then Mr Tsvangirai
somehow convinced himself that he was going to win the 2002 presidential
poll, despite the regime using every conceivable trick to stitch
up the contest. When Mr Tsvangirai was duly declared the loser,
he branded the contest "daylight robbery" and proceeded to do, well,
nothing.
This year, the
same dismal scenario repeated itself. Mr Mugabe held a rigged parliamentary
election and Mr Tsvangirai, having said that he would boycott the
poll, inexplicably chose to contest it anyway. The MDC lost 16 seats.
Mr Tsvangirai declared the election unfair and proceeded to do,
well, nothing.
In a recent
interview, he gave a revealing explanation for why he has not attempted
to lead any street protests. "You can't have the leaders on the
streets when nobody is there behind them," he said.
So the people
and the opposition are united in having no inclination to remove
their despotic leader. Their beautiful country drifts on into disaster
- and there is nothing they are willing to do.
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