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Operation
Povo Yaramba: 'Great stir in the air' … We must continue the struggle!
National
Co-ordinating Committee (NCC), International Socialist Organisation
(ISO)
June 11, 2005
Introduction –
assessment of weaknesses of stayaway
Assessments of 9-10 June are varied, some calling it a flop and others
a mixed bag. But to assess the success or otherwise of the action merely
on the basis of the turnout and closure of businesses would be a grave
mistake. Admittedly turn out was much poor than we expected. But a strong
minority of workers heeded the call.
There were several
negatives stacked against the action:
- As the first real
action called since the disastrous failure of the MDC’s 2003 ‘Final
Push’, people are still cautious, afraid and numbed by the sheer scale
of Operation Murambasvina; moreso because of
- the massive deployment
of police and soldiers into townships ahead of the action,
- the belated luke-warm
support by MDC leaders, who only publicly came out on support on Wednesday,
- the complete paralysis
of the ZCTU, with key leaders away in Geneva, and those remaining saying
they had no mandate from General Council;
- the fact that
bosses and capitalists, partly out of fear of the state but mainly because
as capitalists they are basically in support of Gono’s anti-poor actions,
did not close their businesses as in 1997. Capitalists can never be
trusted as consistent fighters against dictatorships, for they always
put first, their business and profits;
- the objective
reality of 80% unemployment and massive poverty, made most workers choose
the safer option, even if most supported the mass action in spirit.
Moreso in the context of weak and hesitant leadership from MDC and ZCTU
and an apparently overwhelmingly superior enemy; and
- finally, in the
above context, the tactic of a pure stayaway not backed by public protests,
is not ideal. By its passive and individual nature, such action isolates
and atomises the masses, failing to visibly show our strength and mobilize
the weaker ones. Sadly, in the above context, emotions and anger alone
were not enough to carry us through.
But we scored many
achievements!
Many positives can be identified:
(a ) there was indirect
support by most ordinary people, shown by the feeling in the air in the
days leading up to and during the action, forcing reluctant MDC leaders
to come out in support. This shows that the fighting spirit is coming
back, although for now hesitant, cautious and confused. This reminds us
of the situation in February 1997, following the abortive two day general
strike that was bravely for called by Tsvangirai in support of the nurses,
against the will of the majority of ZCTU leaders. Although the strike
failed in terms of turn out, it marked a turning point in developing a
radical mood amongst workers and the poor, who exploded less than six
months later in the biggest urban and rural strikes, demonstrations and
farm invasions in the history of this country.
To stop now would
demoralize the masses and strengthen the conservative and cowardly elements
who want to collaborate rather than fight the regime. Already MDC’s W.
Ncube has disassociated himself from the action saying he is not in the
Broad Alliance, even though on Wednesday he was calling for public support
for the action;
(b) the action saw
the emergence of an enthusiastic layer of young activists and workers
drawn from different organizations who wholeheartedly mobilized for the
action distributing tens of thousands of leaflets despite the lukewarm
support of their leaders and harassment from the police. They were drawn
from as many and differing organizations as the Zimbabwe Social Forum,
NCA, CHRA, ISO, WOZA, students, MDC and rank and file union activists.
A new militant cadreship is being born for the oncoming struggles;
(c) our actions have
restored the Zimbabwean crisis back on the headlines of the world-stage,
with support not only from the traditional left and socialist movement
regionally and globally, but also forced western governments and media
to give crocodile tears support and coverage. This is critical because
it stops or slows down the détente between the elites of Zanu PF
and MDC, which Gono, the moderates in both parties and the capitalists
are pushing for. With more action, MDC leaders, will be forced to support
the movement, even if nominally, or stand to be swept aside by history!
(d) despite its apparent
bravado, our action has shaken the regime. It has started some back-pedalling,
with the operation virtually suspended during the two days of action.
Now the emphasis of its propaganda is rehabilitation and distribution
of new stands etc.
But most importantly,
our actions have encouraged sections of Zanu PF supporters to waiver,
in particular the war veterans, as revealed in the statements of Jabulani
Sibanda, the chairperson of the War Veterans Association, quoted in the
Financial Gazette: ‘the government has this time ignited a bonfire
which is going to backfire …Once government started valuating itself against
the strength of its army, its police and its airpower, then there is something
wrong. We cannot have a situation where government strength is measured
by the strength of its forces as opposed to support from the masses. People
are like a coiled spring: if you suppress it, it comes together and becomes
dangerous. They might not rise today, but rise they shall… war veterans
are prepared to defend the revolution whether within Zanu PF or outside,
and the revolution is the will of the people, not a few government officials.’
He is damn right ---
the rising might not have been yesterday, but the coil is now recoiling!
What now: … way
forward
There is
only one way forward. To build up for more actions, even if the cowardly
elements might want to derail us. For the cost of inaction, i.e. demoralization,
would derail our struggle by decades. The Broad Alliance, CHRA, WOZA,
ISO, ZSF and the progressive wing of the churches, need to urgently meet
to map out the next actions, including deciding whether to continue with
the 18th June action initially called for by WOZA or postpone
slightly as seems to be suggested by Broad Alliance co-ordinator L. Madhuku.
But to move forward
we need to learn from our strengths and weaknesses in the past action.
- Firstly the bedrock
of our resistance hirtherto has been the township women, who have led
some very inspiring riots and struggles on their own. Its true, when
you hit a woman you hit a rock ….. The epicenter of our actions must
move to the townships, so that we optimize the participation of women;
- the action must
this time be direct protest actions and marches that unite and give
us spirit. In the context outlined above, the stayaway or general strike
cannot for now remain our main tool, but will be rescucitated once the
movement has grown and become more confident, for ultimately, general
strikes backed by mass demonstrations are the most powerful weapon we
have for they hit the system were it hurts the most – the source of
profits, money and power;
- the actions must
be done on a day that maximizes the potential participation of everyone,
such as a Saturday;
- to counter the
justified cyncism and distrust amongst the masses that leaders call
for action which they themselves don’t participate in leaving the povo
to make all the sacrifices, whatever protests are called, the leaders
of the Broad Alliance, civic and social movement groups, churches and
trade unions and progressive opposition MPs and councilors must lead
from the front, suffering with the people;
- we must choose
the most strategic areas from which to start our actions. Today, the
only sanctuary left which the regime has not yet dared attack is the
Church, which is why it has not taken action against many church leaders
who have come out denouncing its harsh actions and rule, including the
National Pastors Conference and the Catholic Bishops led by Bishop Ncube.
For maximum effect, the progressive church now needs to unite its actions
with the other sections of society , as was done historically by Martin
Luther King Jnr, clerics like Tutu, Chikane and Boesark in the anti-apartheid
struggles in SA in the 1980s who worked with the UDF, or the Catholic
bishops in Malawi under Banda. As the church is the only place which
the regime might not yet possibly dare attack and as many people will
have confidence congregating there, we suggest that the progressive
church leaders support whatever day of national and international protests,
is agreed on. We could start with prayers at designated local churches
followed by marches and protests from the churches led by pastors and
leadership of the movement to hand in petitions to local police stations
or council offices supporting our demands. And let the regime dare attack
such movement … Such actions, if successful will then be the launch-pad
for growing and more radical mass actions in the near future;
- the past actions
show that only united and democratic action of the poor and those in
support of democracy, regardless of party or organisation affiliation,
can we succeed. We need to further strengthen two aspects of our movement.
Firstly, strengthen the democratic traditions, seeking to bring into
the Broad Alliance, representatives from all groups and organizations
of the poor that are ready to fight, and ensuring that decisions are
democratically made. Further leaders must go to report back, receive
feed-back and mobilise their constituencies on agreed actions. Secondly
making all out efforts to bring into this growing movement, the ordinary
war veterans and other poor Zanu PF supporters who too are under attack,
and as J. Sibanda’s statement shows are getting ready to work with the
rest of the poor and oppressed, reminding them that only through action
and not begging did they successfully stop Chombo and Chihuri from destroying
their settlements in 2002. This time we must not allow the regime to
survive by dividing the poor, as it did in 1997.
Finally, we need to
build on the massive support emerging from the global and regional movement
of the poor, the churches, the anti-capitalist, anti-globalisation movement
and Zimbabweans in the diaspora, as Mugabe’s fake left and anti-imperialist
postures become increasingly exposed. We must notify them on time on the
dates we agree as days of national and international protests, so that
they too mobilize solidarity actions, in particular demonstrations at
Zimbabwean embassies.
We should refuse to
be intimidated or demoralized in our struggle for an end to Operation
Murambasvina, compensation of victims, resignation of those responsible
like Gono, Chihuri, Chombo and Makwavarara and democracy including a new
people driven, democratic and anti-neoliberal constitution.
Let Mugabe and his
minions like Gono know that they can build as many prisons as they want,
but they will never be enough to fill all of us --- we are the vast majority
and they the tiny few! No prison cell in history has ever stopped a people’s
revolution whose time has come! Not under Smith, Not under Botha, Not
under Banda and today certainly Not under Mugabe!
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the ISO fact
sheet
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