Back to Index

Zimbabwe: Parliamentary elections, but little change
Niall O'Keefe, Trócaire's Southern Africa Programme Officer
March 30, 2005

http://www.trocaire.org/newsandinformation/zimbabwe/elections.htm

As Zimbabwe prepares for this week's parliamentary elections there are growing concerns that the ballot will neither be free nor fair.

It was hoped in Zimbabwe that the elections being held on 31 March would provide the opportunity for political debate, and even challenge the accountability of the incumbent government. Instead, political activity outside of that sanctioned by Robert Mugabe and the ruling Zanu-PF party carries with it the risk of intimidation,violence, torture, and even death. While there have been fewer reports of political harassment in recent weeks, the current election does not present the public with a democratic choice.

Since 2000, when the possibility of being democratically removed from office nearly became a reality, President Mugabe and Zanu-PF have all but withdrawn from the democratic process. It is now something which will provide a pseudo-legitimacy to placate the public and the international community, but is not actually required to continue in power.

In recent years, the Zimbabwean Government has systematically undermined Zimbabweans’ fundamental human rights: in 2002, a new law prohibited public demonstrations and effectively withdrew the freedom of assembly; laws regulating the media were introduced ensuring all broadcast and print media are subject to political review, effectively banning independent media; and the Presidential Powers Act centralises power in the office of president.

This has been complemented by the politicisation of organs of the state: the police force, the military intelligence and the army have supported the political campaigns of the ruling party while, often violently, harassing opposition politicians; senior judges have been replaced by those who are politically compromised; and the state media has been reduced to a propaganda machine for the Government.

The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party has been subjected to continued harassment since 2000, to the extent that they are unable to mount a serious challenge to the ruling party. And if past experiences are a guide, constituents know that if an MDC candidate tops the poll, that constituency will be subjected to violence and the possible withholding of food aid. In this context, the ruling party will allow ‘free and fair’ elections on the day that appear ‘normal’.

While this manipulation of democracy has continued, over the past five years Zimbabwe’s economy has collapsed. Inflation has reached over 600 percent meaning that salaries are almost worthless within days of being paid. With better opportunities abroad, teachers, nurses and other professional staff have fled the country, leading to a collapse in social services. In the late 1990s, production was so high that Zimbabwe exported over 50 percent of its food. In 2002 and 2003, the collapsing agricultural industry led to widespread food shortages which continue today but are now more the norm rather than the exception.

In Zimbabwe, poverty and food shortages do not translate into political discussion or even a democratic change of government, partly because the opposition MDC have been prevented from tapping into public disillusionment and partly because people hope that if President Mugabe and his party are allowed to remain in power, the violence may stop.

There are various local human rights organisations such as Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights or the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) who challenge their government’s human rights record. They have peacefully demonstrated on the streets, but have been arrested and imprisoned. They document and seek justice for cases of human rights abuse, but are overwhelmed and are themselves targeted. Last year, the chairperson of NCA, Dr. Lovemore Madhuku, was found on the side of a road outside Harare, having been badly beaten and left for dead. While such organisations challenge the abuse of human rights, the government has managed to almost practically ignore them. Zimbabwean human rights organisations have appealed for assistance from African heads of state and the wider international community.

President Mugabe has cleverly deflected international pressure and questioning of his legitimacy by calling on the support of his fellow African presidents. But as one of the older presidents, has been in office since gaining independence from Britain, and still believes that leaving the office of president is voluntary. Other African presidents, most notably those of Botswana and Mauritius, have challenged him. As a gesture to them, he introduced limited electoral reforms in February, but there has been little time to make these effective for the current elections.

The head of state with the most influence on Mugabe is, without doubt, President Mbeki of South Africa. However, President Mbeki has decided not to use his influence and has largely ignored the widespread abuse of human rights in neighbouring Zimbabwe. Ordinary Zimbabweans have labelled him a liability for refusing to use his influence.

The European Union has imposed ‘smart’ sanctions, which are effectively only a diplomatic snub to President Mugabe and his colleagues. A more serious commitment by the EU to human rights in southern Africa would involve consistent dialogue with these countries and the provision of support to implement reform. This has not yet happened to a sufficient degree that would effect change.

*In the past year, Trócaire has spent over €900,000 in Zimbabwe on projects providing food aid and supporting victims of human rights abuse.

Please credit www.kubatana.net if you make use of material from this website. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License unless stated otherwise.

TOP