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Global
Corruption Report 2004
Transparency International
London,
March 25, 2004
To download
the full report
visit the Transparency International website at:
http://www.globalcorruptionreport.org/
Political corruption
undermines the hopes for prosperity and stability of developing
countries, and damages the global economy," said Peter Eigen, Chairman
of Transparency International (TI), launching the TI Global Corruption
Report 2004 (GCR 2004 ) today. "The abuse of political
power for private gain deprives the most needy of vital public services,
creating a level of despair that breeds conflict and violence. It
also hits the pockets of taxpayers and shareholders worldwide. The
problem must be tackled at the national and international level,"
he said.
"The GCR
2004, with a special focus on political corruption," said Eigen,
"is a call to action to bring integrity and accountability into
governance, to stop bribery by multinational companies, and to curb
the flow of stolen assets into secret bank accounts in the west."
TI is the leading international non-governmental organisation combating
corruption worldwide.
"Democracies
can no longer tolerate bribery, fraud and dishonesty," states former
US President Jimmy Carter in a foreword to the GCR 2004,
"especially as such practices disproportionately hurt the poor."
The GCR 2004
details funds allegedly embezzled by political leaders of the past
two decades. During his misrule, Mohamed Suharto, President of Indonesia
from 1967-98, is alleged to have stolen US$15-US$35 billion in a
country where the GDP per capita hovers at around US$700. Suharto
tops the table of corrupt politicians.
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Where did
the money go? – The top 1
|
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Head
of government
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Estimates
of funds allegedly embezzled
|
GDP
per capita (2001)
|
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1. Mohamed
Suharto
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President
of Indonesia, 1967–98
|
US$ 15
to 35 billion
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US$ 695
|
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2. Ferdinand
Marcos
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President
of the Philippines, 1972–86
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US$ 5
to 10 billion
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US$ 912
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3. Mobutu
Sese Seko
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President
of Zaire, 1965–97
|
US$ 5
billion
|
US$ 99
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4. Sani
Abacha
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President
of Nigeria, 1993–98
|
US$ 2
to 5 billion
|
US$ 319
|
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5. Slobodan
Milosevic
|
President
of Serbia/Yugoslavia, 1989 -2000
|
US$ 1
billion
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n/a
|
|
6. Jean-Claude
Duvalier
|
President
of Haiti, 1971–86
|
US$ 300
to 800 million
|
US$ 460
|
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7. Alberto
Fujimori
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President
of Peru, 1990–2000
|
US$ 600
million
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US$ 2,051
|
|
8. Pavlo
Lazarenko
|
Prime
Minister of Ukraine, 1996–97
|
US$ 114
to 200million
|
US$ 766
|
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9. Arnoldo
Alemán
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President
of Nicaragua, 1997–2002
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US$ 100
million
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US$ 490
|
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10. Joseph
Estrada
|
President
of the Philippines, 1998–2001
|
US$ 78
to 80 million
|
US$ 912
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"Political corruption deprives millions
of health care, education and the prospects of a sustainable future,"
said TI-Zimbabwe Chair John Makumbe at the launch of TI's GCR 2004
in London today. "The fight against corruption requires sustained
political will at the highest levels, and not only in countries
recovering from the legacy of Moi, Suharto, Duvalier or Abacha,"
said Makumbe, a member of TI's international Board of Directors.
"There has to be a commitment," he continued,
"on the part of governments to implement the new African Union Convention
on Combating and Preventing Corruption and the UN Convention against
Corruption, in particular the measures to curb the outflow of assets
stolen by corrupt elites into foreign bank accounts. Bribe-paying
is a crime against humanity, a fact made clear by the legacy of
poverty and distrust left behind by corrupt politicians."
"International financial institutions
and donor governments must engage with developing country governments
that demonstrate the political will to fight corruption," said Eigen.
"To make sure that this will can be realised, donor governments
must insist on adequate civil society monitoring of good governance
in recipient countries."
To mark the publication of the GCR 2004,
today TI launched its Standards on Political Finance and Favours,
setting out a blueprint for transparency in political and campaign
finance in a year which sees key elections in countries where political
corruption has been a persistent problem. Elections will be held
in the coming months in Indonesia and the Philippines, two countries
still reeling from the corrupt legacy of Mohamed Suharto, and both
Ferdinand Marcos and Joseph Estrada respectively. The TI Standards
include conflict-of-interest legislation, and independently monitored
annual disclosure of party income and expenditure. The recommendations
include a diversified funding base, fair access to the media and
provisions for civil society monitoring of political finance.
The special focus of the GCR 2004 on
political corruption includes expert reports on the regulation of
political finance, the disclosure of money flows into politics,
and the repatriation of wealth looted by politicians. Two industry
case studies - on the arms and oil sectors - demonstrate the role
of the private sector in supplying corrupt political funds.
The GCR 2004 includes detailed assessments
of the state of corruption in 34 country reports, accompanied by
analyses of recent global and regional developments, including the
UN Convention against Corruption and the impact of EU expansion
on corruption. The report also includes the findings of the latest
research into corruption and ways to combat it.
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Transparency
International Standards on Political Finance and Favours
|
|
1. Donations
to political parties and candidates to elected office must
not be a means to gain personal or policy favours. Parties
and candidates must practise transparency. Governments must
implement adequate conflict -of-interest legislation.
2. Political
parties, candidates and politicians should disclose detailed
information about assets, donations, in kind donations, loans
and expenditure, on an annual basis as well as before and
after elections, to an independent agency.
3. Independent
public oversight bodies endowed with the necessary resources
must effectively supervise the observance of regulatory laws
and measures. Together with independent courts, they must
ensure that offenders are held accountable and duly sanctioned.
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4. Diversified
funding should be sought through: state funding and subsidised
access to the media; the encouragement of small donations
and membership fees; and controls on corporate, foreign and
large individual donations. Spending limits should be considered.
5. Candidates
and parties must be given fair access to the media. The media
should play an independent role, free from political interference,
both in election campaigns and in the broader political process.
6. Civil
society should have the opportunity to actively participate
in promoting adequate legislation in the field of political
finance and in the monitoring of political finance and its
impact on political representation.
The full
text of the TI Standards is available in the
TI
Global Corruption Report 2004
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the TI-Z fact
sheet
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