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Fiddling while Zimbabwe burns
Institute for Security Studies
by Chris Maroleng, African Security Analysis Programme
October 13, 2003

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Introduction
The death on 20 September 2003 of eighty-one-year-old Vice President Simon Vengesayi Muzenda- staunch ally of Mugabe and veteran nationalist- has intensified the battle about who will succeed President Robert Mugabe. It has emerged that the Vice President's death has prompted the various factions in the ruling party to begin vying with each other for the vacant second-vice-presidential post. It is widely believed that the appointment of the new Vice President will indicate who Mugabe prefers as his successor in the party and the government. It is possible that Muzenda's death has meant that Mugabe in particular and ZANU PF in general have had to consider seriously the question of succession sooner than expected - a situation that "could prematurely end the heated succession debate by giving glimpses into the candidate President Mugabe would want to occupy the most powerful office when he retires." More ominous for the ruling party is the fact that Muzenda's death has left a power vacuum in the deeply divided and province of Masvingo, where the veteran politician acted as a stabilising force, ensuring that infighting did not get out of hand. A permanent split in this key province would inevitably result in serious costs to the governing party. Muzenda's death has increased the likelihood of the party splitting in this important province, as the two competing factions contest the vacant leadership of Masvingo.

Judging by recent statements by Mugabe which indicate his intention to retire, many observers speculate that the President- aged 79 and the ruler of Zimbabwe for 23 years- plans to step down from office well before his six-year term ends in 2008. However, the aging Head of State is an astute political strategist and will act very cautiously when he appoints a new Vice President because he will not want to reveal who his chosen successor is too early in the game, as this could expose the successor to challenges from other rivals within the ruling party. Some analysts have concluded that a reluctance to reveal his choice of successor and contradict his call for open debate on the succession issue means that the President will not fill the vacant vice-presidential post too soon. Fortunately for President Mugabe, the constitution places no obligation on him to appoint a Vice President to replace the late Simon Muzenda. Even though "the constitutional provision may yet prove a much-needed safety valve for Mugabe to stave off a fierce behind-the-scenes succession battle within the ruling party, and one that has taken on an ethnic hue", conjecture still surrounds the question of who the top contenders are in the battle to fill the Vice President's position and, ultimately, to succeed President Mugabe.

Conclusion
While the politicians fiddle around as the flames that engulf Zimbabwe grow in intensity, the glaring reality of Zimbabwe's economic collapse is there for all to see. The economic gains and expanding social services of the 1980s have been thrown into reverse. According to Zimbabwean economist John Robertson, the economy has shrunk by over 19% over the past year, and the gulf widens daily between the official exchange rate (Zim $860 to US $1*) and the parallel market (Zim $5,800 to US $1*). The effect of these factors together with the 5 acceleration of company closures, and the worsening of countrywide fuel shortages clearly indicate that Zimbabwe's economy is now in "a shambolic state from which recovery will be arduous if not impossible. Inflation is high enough (about 450%) to have no real meaning. The Reserve Bank cannot keep up with the volume of cash as a result of price hikes. Bread sells for more than Zim $1000 a loaf, and beef and maize for Zim $3000 and Zim $300 a kilo respectively. When available, fuel sells on the black-market for Zim $1200 to Zim $1500 a litre."

The Zimbabwean government's ill-executed agrarian reform programme has as yet been
unable to create a new self-sufficient class of successful small-scale farmers to fill the
vacuum left by evicted white farmers. The controversial land grab has also resulted in the
undermining of commercial farming in the country, which- in the past- was the bedrock of the economy. Production estimates for key crops for 2004 are forecast to be sharply down, which has also affected Zimbabwe's formerly robust agro-manufacturing industry. The prevailing drought conditions in Zimbabwe forecasted to endure well into the next agricultural season, together with the negative effects of the land redistribution programme, have resulted in a severe food crisis. What is more, the government's search for new financiers has failed to be a match for frozen donor aid and lost foreign exchange.

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