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This article participates on the following special index pages:
New Constitution-making process - Index of articles
Of
credible elections and the new Constitution
Youth Forum
October 31, 2012
During this
long-drawn-out constitutional
drafting process, commentators, press reports etc. have suggested
that the new constitution would go a long way to ensure the next
general election, aimed for March 2013, but highly unlikely then,
would be free, fair and peaceful and not a repeat of the 2008 controversy.
However, it is too optimistic to assume that the new constitution
will in itself create those conditions. So what is needed to be
improved in the new constitution in order to assure that free and
fair elections can be held?
Electoral
System
Firstly, the new constitution
spells out who is to be elected and who will be entitled to elect
them, but apart from requiring some elections to be held under a
system of proportional representation, it does not deal with the
way in which elections are to be held.
Secondly, even
though the new constitution states that some seats in the Senate
and National Assembly will be filled by elections on a system of
proportional representation, the Electoral
Act first will have to be amended or replaced, since currently,
it still requires all elections to be held on a first-past-the-post
system.
Voter's
Roll and Voter Education
The existing voters'
roll is generally regarded as completely inaccurate and this is
supported by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, which is nominally
responsible for compiling the roll. An accurate voters' roll
is essential for the holding of a fair election, so the existing
roll will have to be revised or a new roll will have to be compiled.
This will take at least six months which is far longer than the
60 days specified in the new constitution.
Voter education
will have to be undertaken by ZEC or ZEC approved organisations.
There will inevitably be large numbers of young, first-time voters
on a properly-compiled new voters roll. However, even for long-standing
voters, education will be necessary to ensure that there is understanding
of the changes made to election procedures by a new Electoral
Amendment Act.
Electoral
Observers
With a past history of
electoral violence and contested election results in Zimbabwe, the
system for national and international electoral observers needs
revision to ensure that the observers are drawn from a wide spectrum
of opinion and that they are allowed to monitor all aspects of the
electoral process (from the registration of voters to the announcement
of results) as well as have a monitoring period that extends from
well before the election itself until at least a month after the
results have been announced. The Electoral Act does not provide
for this extended type of monitoring, though it has recently been
announced that the Electoral Amendment Act will allow observers
to be accredited to cover the period before an election is actually
called. If the first elections under the new constitution are to
be credibly monitored, the legal position of observers will have
to be strengthened.
Electoral
Environment
The electoral environment
also has to be taken into account when drafting the new constitution.
In order for an election to be free and fair, it is not enough for
voters' rolls to be accurate, for constituencies to be properly
delimited or for the Electoral Act to be clear and comprehensive.
The environment in which the election takes place must allow all
parties and candidates that wish to do so to contest the election
and put their cases fully to the electorate.
Media
Then we move on to the
media reform which would require the State-owned broadcasting and
print media to be reformed in order to make them politically neutral,
enabling the electorate to hear views other than those of ZANU-PF.
This may be done by appointing new boards of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Company, the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe and the Mass Media
Trust, but of course new, genuinely independent broadcasters must
be licensed.
State
Institutions
Another important
issue is that of how the police force operate during and after an
election. The commanders of the Police Force, the Defence Forces
and the CIO must commit themselves to operate in a non-partisan
manner, consistent with their obligations under article 13.1 of
the GPA.
This is particularly important in the light of statements by senior
army officers that they will not recognise a non-ZANU-PF government.
More importantly, the commanders must take appropriate measures
to prevent politically-motivated violence on the part of the members
of their forces and, generally, to ensure the political neutrality
of their forces.
POSA
and AIPPA
Freedom of assembly
and association should also be addressed, because even though the
new constitution guarantees these freedoms, its provisions will
not be effective until they are incorporated into statute law. The
Public Order and
Security Act [POSA] must be replaced or further amended to reduce
the discretion given to police officers to prohibit political meetings,
and to ensure that any discretion they do have is exercised only
to avert readily foreseeable disorder.
Until this is
done anyone who wants to challenge the existing law will have do
it through a constitutional application to the Supreme Court, and
that is likely to take so long that the election will be over before
a decision is reached. This relates also to how the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act [AIPPA] must be
replaced or amended to allow genuine freedom of speech during elections.
In particular, the prohibition against denigrating the President
must be amended to allow the President to be questioned and criticised
at election times just like any other politician.
Timelines
and Expiration of Parliament
All these reforms
must be instituted as soon as possible because there is not much
time left for them to be implemented. The deadline for the next
elections is dictated not by agreement on the new constitution,
but by the life of Parliament
under the present Constitution.
Parliament was elected
in March 2008, and under section 63(4) of the present Constitution
it lasts for five years from the date on which the President was
sworn in. Mr Mugabe was sworn in on the 29th June 2008 after the
run-off presidential election, so the life of the present Parliament
ends on the 29th June 2013, when Parliament will stand dissolved.
In terms of the Constitution,
a general election must be held within four months after Parliament
stands dissolved, so the next general election must be held before
the 29th October 2013. (The life of Parliament can only be extended
if Zimbabwe is at war or if there is a state of public emergency).
As a result, any legislation to regulate the conduct of the next
election, must be passed before the 29th June 2013 (because after
that there will be no Parliament to pass it) and the general election
itself must be held before the 29th October 2013. If the next general
election is to be held under the new constitution, then, in addition
to the electoral reforms that have been outlined, the new constitution
itself will have to be enacted while there is still a Parliament
- i.e. before the 29th June 2013.
International
Community's Responsibility
Of course, there
is also an international responsibility to ensure that these reforms
and amendments are upheld and respected because there is no guarantee
that the Zimbabwe government will put into practise the changes
that will be made in the new Constitution. Considering Zimbabwe's
track record, there is a legitimate and real change that this entire
process simply has been a front in order to appear to want to improve
human right issues in the country. The international community therefore
has to not only take this process to be sufficient evidence of Zimbabwe
changing their ways, but instead follow up on what actual change
the Zimbabwean people experience as a result of the new Constitution.
International institutions of course do not have the power or mandate
to intervene in how states decide to construct their national constitution,
however there are several UN councils and structures, who deal with
respecting and upholding human right conventions and principles,
of which Zimbabwe is a member.
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